THE REBELS OF THE SAFFRON BRIGADE

THE FIVE FORMER BJP CMs WHO QUIT THE PARTY

Last week, former Karnataka CM and Shimoga strongman B S Yeddyurappa rejoined the BJP (Link), an year after he had joined the Karnataka Janata Party (KJP) prior to the 2013 state elections. In fact, after the drubbing that it received in the polls and having been relegated to the third spot, the saffron outfit was left with no leader with the ability to garner votes. At the same time considering the lack luster debut that Yeddy's party had, there were doubts raised over his political future and clear question marks on his hold over the Lingayats. As such, the coming together of Yeddy and his former party is seen as a win-win situation for both. Like BSY, here's a look at five former BJP CMs who had or have quit the part at some point of time.

Madanlal Khurana: Khurana along with Vijay Kumar Malhotra and Kedarnath Sahani was one of the founding members of the BJP in the national capital. Having been the President of the ABVP, he rose through the ranks from he grass roots to become the Chief Minister of Delhi in 1993. However, three years later he was replaced by Jat leader Saheb Singh Verma after his name figured in the hawala scam. In 2003, he was named as the party's CM candidate by the then party President Venkaiah Naidu. In the last leg of his political career, he won the battle as he bagged the Moti Nagar constituency while losing the war - the BJP won 20 seats whereas the INC increased its tally to 47. The former Union minister was later made the Governor of Rajasthan. He was expelled for the first time from the party in 2005 after he lashed out at L K Advani for his comments on the Kandahar hijacking. Brought back two months later after he expressed regret over his earlier remarks. In 2007, he was suspended yet again; this time for sharing stage with Uma Bharati who had formed the Bharatiya Jan Shakti Party (BJS) after being shown the door from the saffron outfit. After his negotiations to rejoin the BJP failed, he formally joined the BJS. In April 2008 though, he came back to the party after disagreements with Bharati. While Khurana senior has retired from active politics today, his sons Vimal and Harish are members of the party in Delhi. After they were denied ticket in the 2013 polls, is has been speculated that it may well be the end of the Khurana dynasty.

Keshubahi Patel: Long before Narendra Modi, Keshubhai was the face of the party in Gujarat. After severing as a minister in various state cabinets over the years, he became the CM for the first time in 1995. However his tenure was short lived; Shankersinh Vaghela split the BJP and formed the government with the support of the Congress. In 1999, he led the saffron party to a spectacular victory in the state and was made the Chief Minister for the second time. In 2001, he came under criticism for mismanagement of relief work post the Bhuj earthquake, besides the allegations of corruption and abuse of power. Finally, he was asked to step down, being replaced by Narendra Modi and the rest, as they say is history. In 2002, he was elected to Rajya Sabha from his home state. His first sign of dissidence came in 2007 when he openly targeted Modi during campaigning, asking his community to vote for a change. As the BJP romped home to power, his stature further declined. In 2012 though, he went a step further launching the Gujarat Parivartan Party (GPP). Days before the elections, it was believed that the veteran would hit Modi hard and damage his prospects in many places. Much to his displeasure, the Modi wave was unstoppable. Keshubhai was one of the two GPP candidates who won. After his victory, the Hindutva icon extended an olive branch to the GPP chief and went to take his blessings personally. It may not be surprising that Patel rejoins the BJP in the days to come.

Kalyan Singh: One of the most controversial CMs in the party's history, Singh was at the helm of affairs in Uttar Pradesh during the infamous Babri Masjid demolition in December 1991. Following the incident, he resigned and the BJP government in the state was dismissed. In September 1997, he become the CM for the second time and continued for nearly two years. In 1999, he left the BJP to form the Rashtriya Kranti Party (RKP), accusing the then PM Vajpayee of orchestrating a revolt against him. In the 2002, he allied with the Samajwadi Party and won 4 seats. On the eve of the 204 Lok Sabha, he was back into the BJP. It was believed that his entry would help the saffron outfit do well here. While he won the Etah seat, the BJP's performance was pathetic, finishing with a tally of 10. In 2007, he led the party in the state polls and his below average performance pushed him to the sidelines. In 2009, he had a second fallout with the BJP. He joined hands with Mulayum and campaigned for him in 2009. The move backfired for Yadav as the Muslims who associate the Lodh leader with the Babri demolition, voted for the Congress. The SP chief publicly accepted that allying with Kalyan was a mistake, much to the embarrassment of the former CM. Singh launched another start-up - the Jan Krani Party (JS) which was another disaster, . Finally, he has rejoined the BJP and is working hard to make a mark for his son Raj Vir in state politics.

Babulal Marandi: A former primary teacher with RSS background, Marandi came into prominence in 1996 when he came close to defeating Shibu Soren from the Dumka MP seat. In the next national polls though, the Santhal leader did take revenge by beating the JMM supremo as the BJP won 12 out of the 14 seats from the Jharkhand region of the then undivided state of Bihar. A minister in the Vajpayee cabinet, he served as the first Chief Minister of the newly formed state after its inception in 2000. At the height of his political career, there was a section in the party that believed that he was getting larger than it and had to be cut to size. As such, he was replaced by Arjun Munda in 2003. In 2004, he was the only BJP MP to win from the state; in fact even Yashwant Singh was unable to retain his seat. After the debacle in 2004, he was open in his criticism of the functioning of the state government. Things reached a tipping point in 2006 when he quit the saffron party to form the Jharkhand Vikas Morcha - Prajatantrik (JVM - P). He won from Giridh in 2006 by-polls and later in 2009 too. Marandi is fast emerging as one of the most important players in the state; with 11 seats, the JVM-P is the third largest party in the legislative assembly behind the BJP and JMM. Earlier there were reports that Modi was trying hard to woo the Santhal leader with a clean public image to rejoin the party. However, he has made it clear that he will not take any such move in the near future.

Uma Bharati: Raised by Vijay Raje Scindia, Uma was an important member of the Ayodhya movement. She entered politics in her twenties and handled various portfolios in the NDA government. The Hindutva poster girl was on the pinnacle of her political life when she led the party to a fabulous victory in the key state of Madhya Pradesh in 2003 wining a whopping three-fourths majority. The sanyasin was made the Chief Minister but had to resign just an year into office after an arrest warrant was issued against her in the Hubli riot case. In November 2004, she hit out at Advani in front of the media during a party function and was issued a show cause notice. However, she was later let off after the intervention of the RSS. In course of time, Shivraj Singh Chauhan, her bete noire in MP was put on the CM's chair. This further infuriated here. In 2006 she launched the Bharatiya Jan Shakti Party (BJS) and contested elections in several states. However, her performance was average; in MP she could only get 4 seats. In 2010, she was re-inducted into the saffron party and two years later named the face of the UP campaign. Again, her magic failed to woo the voters here. Today, she is the Vice President of the BJP.

SHIV-RAJ IN MP - PART V

MADHYA PRADESH 2013: THE ISSUES THAT MATTER

THE FIRST TIME VOTERS

With nearly 24 lakh youngsters voting for the first time in the upcoming polls, both the BJP and the Congress are going all out to attract them. By pitting the 41 year old Jyothiraditya Scindia against the incumbent CM, the INC is hoping that his clean image will appease the younger sections of the electorate, helping it end the ten year long power drought in Bhopal. In his rallies, the young Scindia scion is seen talking about development and generation of jobs - two issues that matter most to the youth. Meanwhile, Shivraj Singh Chauhan is relying on his Gujarat counterpart to do the same for him. The tough talking and tech savvy Narendra Modi who is also the BJP' PM candidate has caught the attention of the young Indians across the country and Madhya Pradesh is no exception. The much publicized Gujarat model of development, something that the leader never gets tired of mentioning, has caught the attention of youngsters who see it as the way forward to a brighter future. With the younger voters expected to be an important factor in deciding the outcome of this elections, it is hardly surprising to see why the to parties are keen to impress the youth.

THE MINORITY VOTES

Unlike Modi, Chauhan is very popular with the minorities too. In fact, at one point of time when NDA was looking for a new PM candidate for the 2014 polls, some section including the patriarch L K Advani favored him considering his image as a good administrator as well as a secular leader. The Madhya Pradesh CM organizes Iftar parties at his official residence and has worn the skull cap on numerous occasions. No major communal clashes have been reported from the state in his tenure. At the same time, some decisions taken by him including the singing of Vande Mataram and teaching Surya Namaskar in schools have seen opposition from Muslim organizations. As the battle for Bhopal heats up, Shivraj is not taking any chances. Former MP Arif Beig has been given a ticket from Bhopal - North. On the other hand, the elevation of Narendra Modi as the BJP's official PM nominee has given the Congress a chance to play the communal card before the state elections. Digvijay Singh, known for taking jibes at the RSS will be the party's main leader to woo the Muslims.

SMALLER PARTIES

Whosoever is in power in Lucknow tends to get about five to ten seats in Madhya Pradesh too. As such, while the Samajwadi Party (SP) had 7 seats in 2003 polls, they dropped to a single seat five years down the line as the Bahujan Samajwadi Party (BSP) grew from two to seven. As such, the SP is expected to do well in comparison with its rival in the areas adjoining Uttar Pradesh. CM Akhilesh is said to be particularly focusing on two regions - Chambal and Bundelkhand and is hoping to snatch about 15 seats from here. The party to look out for will be the Gondwana Ganatantra Party (GPP). Established in 1991, the GPP aims to create a separate state of Gondwana in Central India to support the cause if the Gondli people. It presently has a single seat in the state assembly. The regional outfit has decided to join hands with the the JD(U). Several rebels from the BJP and the Congress have also joined it. It is likely that the GPP may get up to 5 seats this time around. The Left Front will field candidates from 33 constituencies in the state.

For more on the Madhya Pradesh Elections 2013, click here (Link)

SHIV-RAJ IN MP? - PART IV

MADHYA PRADESH 2013: THE ISSUES THAT MATTER

DEVELOPMENT

Nobody can deny the fact that Madhya Pradesh, a state that has lagged behind others in terms of development has made some worth while progress under the leadership of Shivraj Singh Chauhan in the last eight years. When he ascended the chair way back in late 2005, he was not a well known face in local politics. Besides, he was facing the wrath of his bete noire Uma Bharati - the firebrand leader who, after being sidelined for openly taking on the top leadership, launched her own outfit. In a bid to counter the challenges facing him and to bolster his personal image, Chauhan launched two populist schemes - free TV sets and rice at one rupee per kilo which were mass hits. Then came the numerous welfare schemes, many of which got praises even from his harshest critics. These include the Ladli Lakshmi Scheme, the state government buys NSC worth Rs 30,000 over a period of five years after the birth of a girl child. While the parents get some fixed amount at the end of a certain time periods, they girl may get up to Rs 1 lakh after she turns 21 years old. The Kanyadhan Yojna gives Rs 7,500 to poor families during their daughter's wedding whereas the Janani Suraksha Yojna provides all assistance to pregnant mothers till child birth. Data available shows that the implementation of these schemes have benefited thousands of people so far.

Traditionally classified as a BIMARU state, there is no doubt that Madhya Pradesh has improved under the tenure of Chauhan. During the days of Digvijay Singh, the conditions of the roads in several regions of MP was pathetic to say the least. On the contrary, the incumbent CM has added over 90,000 km of roads in the last eight years - one of his biggest USPs. Of course, there is a lot of scope for improvement even now. Another issue on which he has delivered is power generation. Ever since he took over, the state's power production has grown by 10,000 MW. While water supply remains a concern in several parts, the situation has improved to some extent. Agriculture has received an impetus, especially in the Vindhya region with the construction of two key projects - Banasagar and Gulab Sagar. Wheat production has grown manifolds, and MP is today, the third highest producer of this crop, trailing Punjab and Haryana. At the same time, several IT companies have decided to open their branches in an IT Park in Indore after the CM promised to offer them certain concessions besides reducing bureaucratic hassles. Though several scandals have rocked his government at regular intervals, Shivraj is perceived by the electorate as a non-corrupt leader who has delivered as far as bijli, sadak aur paani is concerned.

ANTI-INCUMBENCY

While the BJP believes that it will comfortably cross the 116 mark for the third time, history seems to suggest otherwise. Ever since the state was placed under President's Rule in 1993, there has been a change in regime after every ten years in Bhopal. Diggi Raja occupied the CM's chair between 1993 to 2003 and the saffron party has ruled since then. As such, it will hardly be surprising if the masses give the Congress another shot, especially after it projected a new and a more credible face. Besides, for all the talks of development that has taken place here under Chauhan, the results are still only satisfactory. While road network has expanded, several villages continue to be inaccessible; water scarcity continues to be a major problem especially in the rural hinterland; the murder of environmental activist Shehla Masood and the failure to check the illegal activities of the sand mafia have put a big question mark on the intentions of the administration. Opinion polls suggest that the general conception amongst the farmers is that the incumbent government could have done a lot more to help them. In spite of all the schemes launched to provide women empowerment, Madhya Pradesh has recorded the highest cases of rapes against women. This is certainly a big embarrassment for Shivraj.

Another problem for the ruling party is that names of several of its ministers have figured either in corruption scandals or courted controversies of some sort. The CM's wife Sadhna Singh has been accused by the Opposition of buying four dumpers by specifying a fake residential address and then lending it to a cement company. The sodomy case involving former Finance Minister Raghavji, just few days prior to the polls is a big blow. Though the Vidisha strongman has been expelled, the damage seems to be done. Kailash Vijaywargiya who is in-charge of Industries has courted trouble time and again including when he defended the controversial God man Asaram Babu. Bhopal MLA Dhruvanarayan Singh's name figured in the Shehla Massod murder case. Other prominent leaders in this notorious list includes former CM Babulal Gaur, Animal Husbandry Minister Ajay Vishnoi, Medical Education Minister Anup Mishra and Education Minister Archana Chitnis. Twenty eight out of the 143 BJP MLAs have criminal cases pending against them. However, the Congress cannot claim the moral high ground here since 21 of its own men are tainted.

REBELLION

The factor that could take the victory away from the BJP is rebellion and defection amongst its ranks. In a bid to counter anti-incumbency, the party was forced into taking some tough decisions which may boomerang on it. Several sitting MLAs, including few cabinet ministers have been denied tickets. On the other hand, protests were staged by the cadre against the official party nominees in many places. While some of these dissidents are likely to contest as independents, many may join the Congress or smaller parties. Either way, it is Chauhan who will be hurt. In Ratlam constituency, party workers who were unhappy with the nomination of Chetan Kashyap marched to the house of former state Home Minister Himmat Kothari and convinced him to contest as an independent. Realizing that its 'bad' choices could be the deciding factor in the upcoming polls, the saffron outfit is trying hard to woo back the rebels. It was believed that former minister Raghavji who was shown the door few months ago was lobbying for a ticket for his daughter. As his demand was not met, it was speculated that he would rebel and hurt the BJP in at least five seats in the Vidisha region. However, after a behind the doors meeting with Sushma Swaraj, the veteran leader is said to be keeping a low profile. Meanwhile, Shivraj Chauhan has filed his nomination from Vidisha too.

In the Congress camp too, reports of dissidence have emerged. Vice President of the state committee Manak Aggarwal resigned from his post after he was denied a ticket from Hoshangabad. He has accused senior party leader Suresh Pachouri of conniving with the sand mafia to scuttle his chances. Ajay Singh - the Leader of Opposition in the out going legislature was believed to be upset with  Scindia & Kamal Nath faction for ignoring him while deciding party nominees in his home town. Naresh Malviya, another Congressman committed suicide after being denied a nomination from Agar. In Silwani, workers went on a rampage after Devendra Patel - a sitting MLA from the BJP who defected to the Congress was given a ticket. In the early days of the campaign it was believed that the two clans in the MP Congress - one led by the former CM Digvijay Singh and the other under young Jyothiraditya Scindia were fighting over the ticket allocation to their supporters.Luckily for them, it seems that the INC leaders here have realized that the only way to beat the Chauhan regime here is to be united. Just on the eve of the elections, it has been reported that all prominent state leaders were consulted before the final list of candidates was made public.

For more on the Madhya Pradesh Elections 2013, click here (Link)

SHIV-RAJ IN MP? - PART I

MADHYA PRADESH 2013: CONGRESS - A DIVIDED HOUSE

Dubbed as the 'Heart' of Incredible India, the mega state of Madhya Pradesh will go to the polls on 25^th November later this year. Like in neighboring Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan, what makes the elections here extremely important, especially ahead of the big 2014 General elections is that it will witness a direct fight between the ruling BJP and the opposition Congress. While the saffron brigade has been in power in the state for the last decade, the INC is heading a coalition regime at the Center for two consecutive terms. With BJP's Prime Ministerial nominee Narendra Modi and Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi addressing massive rallies here, it can be concluded that the 2013 state elections are been increasingly seen as the semi final just ahead of the Lok Sabha polls which is scheduled for next May. The pundits have given a clear edge to the incumbent CM, predicting that the party may replicate here the success that it saw in Gujarat riding on the popularity of Shivraj Singh Chauhan. However, by putting the dynamic and young Jyotiraditya Scindia in charge of its campaign in the state, the Congress is fighting back and may well pull off the biggest upset of 2013.

While the BJP claims that the development carried by the incumbent government will ensure its victory, what is making life easier for Chauhan is the lack of unity in the Congress camp. Although the party high command - the highest authority in the party has deputed Jyotiraditya Scindia - the son of the former Union Minister and Scindia scion Madhavrao to lead its battle, the feud amongst the prominent leaders of the state has not yet ended and could jeopardize the process of ticket distribution. Ahead of the polls, the Congress has split into two distinct groups, with each trying to out do the other, often resulting in the washing of dirty linen in public. Scindia is said to have teamed up with Union Minister Kamal Nath who is coordinating the campaign. On the other hand, Digvijay Singh - the Rakhi Sawant of Indian politics, who is serving a self imposed 10 year exile from the state after his rout at the hands of Uma Bharati in 2003 is also flexing his muscles, using state party President Kantilal Bhuria and the Leader of Opposition in the incumbent assembly - Ajay Singh as his proxies.

The fighting has become so bitter that it was reported that Diggi Raja was not allowed to attend a press conference being addressed by Scindia. Kantilal Bhuria is said to have had an audience with Sonia Gandhi after his advise over the selection of candidates in his home town of Jhabua was completely ignored. Die hard fans of the INC will point out that INC has never has faced similar situations in the past in other states. In fact, on the eve of the Uttarkhand polls held last year, the party was divided into over five groups, each headed by a Chief Ministerial hopeful. Considering the allegations of corruption against several BJP leaders, most notably the former CM Pokriyal, the Congress messed up the whole thing big time and managed to win just by a single seat in an election which it was speculated to sweep. However the scenario in MP is drastically different. The BJP here is in solid form and reports on the ground indicate that the charisma of Chauhan who was once being touted as the party's contender for the top job in 2014 is working in its favor.

Meanwhile the decision to appoint Scindia junior at the helm of affairs by passing veterans like Bhuria and long time MLA Ajay Singh seems to be a calculated risk. Jyotiraditya's father Madhavrao Scindia who died in a tragic air incident in 2001 was one of the most influential political leader from 1981 until his death besides being the titular chief of the erstwhile princely state of Gwalior. Besides his father's legacy, the party is hoping that his image as a youth leader will be a hit amongst the over 50 lakh young voters. With unemployment remaining high and MP still trailing behind in key areas like development, the youth vote might be the game changer for the Congress. The first list of candidates released last week includes a mix of sitting MLAs, prominent leaders from Youth Congress and finally, in continuation of the party's tradition, kin of several party veterans. Prominent candidates include Ajay Singh (Churat), his deputy in the state legislature Bisahulal Singh (Annupur), Satyadev Katare (Ater), Narayan Tripathi (Maihar), Ravi Joshi (Khargone), Bala Bachchan (Rajpur) and Surajbhan Singh Solanki (Harsud). Digvijay's son Jai Vardhan has filed his papers from Raghogarh without waiting for the Congress to name him. The party is also likely to benefit from large number of BJP rebels who are expected to hurt the saffron outfit's chances.

For more on the Madhya Pradesh Elections 2013, click here (Link)

THE STATES THAT MATTER: NOV-DEC 2013

THE DRESS-REHEARSAL BEFORE THE GENERAL ELECTIONS

The State elections - November/December 2014

As a politically eventful year nears its end, five states will go to the polls in November-December 2013, most of these seeing a straight fight between the two major parties in the country - the Congress and the BJP. On the eve of the impending battle in 2014, the upcoming elections are an excellent opportunity for the ruling UPA (United Progressive Alliance) to asses the performance of the central government in the last decade of its rule or as its detractors say, its misrule. Though anti-incumbency is on a all time high and the ratings of the PM and his party are falling at a rather alarming rate, the INC is putting its 'best foot' forward with Vice President Rahul Gandhi talking on issues that affect the aam admi like his mother's deteriorating health, the assassination of his father and grand mother in spite of their 'great' contribution towards the country and the startling claim of ISI's role in instigating violence in Muzzaffarabad. I must say that Baba is quite courageous; to go on the big stage and talk 'nonsense' in front of thousands of people hit by poverty, price rise and unemployment is no mean feat.

For the principal Opposition - the BJP, their prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi is on a blitzkrieg, addressing rallies in these states, asking people to support his outfit while personally targeting the Prime Minister. While conveniently forgetting his administrative failure during the 2002 Godhra riots - the primary reason for the fall of the Vajpayee regime way back in 2004, he is being portrayed by the right wing as a 'Super Hero' who will rid India of all the problems that plague her. In a country which traditionally draws its strength from cultural, religious, regional and linguistic diversity, a 'divisive' leader like NaMo is a complete misfit. Needless to say, in a democracy like where its only the numbers that count, who actually cares about morals after all? And the BJP is no exception. Thankfully for the people, none of the constituents of the much hyped Third Front have any significant presence here. Although the General elections may be just about seven months away, we also need to realize that state elections are to a large extent fought on local issues and a great performance here may not be easy to replicate at the Center in the days to come. Nonetheless, a good show will for sure, boost the morale in the victor's camp.

In Delhi, Sheila Dixit will lead the charge for the Congress as she battles for a forth consecutive term. Although there seems to be wide spread dissatisfaction about her government, she still continues to be quite popular amongst the masses, something that her party is hoping will work in their favor. In spite of her personal image, the furor over the Delhi Common Wealth Games corruption scandal, the outrage following the Nirbhaya rape case and rising prices will make it extremely difficult for the Congress to cross the half way mark of 35 on its own. In fact, for the INC, winning this poll on its own will be like climbing the Everest without any oxygen cylinders. Meanwhile, the BJP should be credited for completely messing up the situation which till recently was heavily tilted on its side. The indecisiveness over its leadership here, something that we generally associate with the INC, has stolen the thunder off its campaign. The Aam Admi Party (AAP) born out of Anna Hazare movement's Lokpal movement is emerging as a serious contender as it is raking up the issues that affect the people of the capital. With Arvind Kejriwal training its gun over the two major national parties, the newly launched outfit may severely damage the prospects of both Sheila Dixit and Harsh Vardhan.

In Madhya Pradesh, CM Shivraj Singh Chauhan is relying on his work in the last seven years at the helm of affairs to win a third straight term in Bhopal for the BJP. I wonder whether not taing any strict action against the sand mafia here is also one of his many 'developmental' schemes. While trends seem to indicate that his party is likely to reach the magic mark of 115 quite comfortably, even though it may end up losing about 20 seats, the saffron brigade cannot be complacent and drop its guard. Hope the party remembers the disaster of 2004 when its complacency allowed the Congress to script a famous win. MP and young Turk Jyothiraditya Scindia, with his clean image and connectivity with the youth, is overlooking the elections for the Congress, which like its nemesis in Delhi seems to not have learnt any lessons from bitter experiences in the earlier elections. In neighboring Chattisgarh too, the charisma and the development work of Raman Singh is working for the BJP, in spite of the fact that parallel government of the Maoists is controlling several parts of the state. Unfortunately for the Congress, it lost most of its top brass in the ghastly Darbha attack and ever since has become directionless. Ajit Jogi, the former CM is its only hope in giving some competition to the BJP.

If media reports are to be believed, Vasundhara Raje Scindia is all set to return as the Chief Minister of Rajasthan for a second term, five years after losing power to Congress' Ashok Gelhot. Raje has done her homework well this time around, mending differences with other leaders in the state as well as those in Delhi. For the state government, fighting anti-incumbency that seems to be looming large, will be rather difficult. However, writing off a veteran like Gelhot can be a costly mistake. The last state to go to the polls is Mizoram in the North east where the Congress is presently in power. CM Lal Thanawla will face a potent threat from the Mizo National Front led by extremist turned politician Zoramathanga. As the fight for the five states intensifies in the coming days, expect fireworks, numerous allegations and counter allegations, many defections and several mammoth rallies to woo the voters. While local issues may ultimately decide the winners, there is no doubt they will impact the big general elections scheduled in May 2014 in more ways than one.

LOST AND FOUND

THE FOREST OWLET

Credit: Nikhil Devasar

When the eminent American ornithologist, Pamela Rasmussen along with David Abott and Ben King of the American Museum of Natural History led an expedition into the foothills of the Satpura Range to gather evidence on the existence of an indigenous owl species in the late 1990s, history was not on their side. The bird they wanted to find and document was discovered in December 1872 and was presumed to be extinct within 12 years with a total of seven collected specimens of which, ironically, none were in India. Earlier, India’s greatest avian scientist, Dr Salim Ali and American ornithologist S Dillon Ripley had failed to rediscover the species in spite of scanning the areas from where the specimens were allegedly collected by British soldier and bird lover, Richard Meinertzhagen. Their efforts even included putting up white and black posters of the bird in the areas adjoining the Melghat Tiger Reserve in a bid to involve the locals in the search operations. Even S A Hussain’s efforts to find the bird in the forests of Mandvi in Gujarat in 1976 proved futile.

The trio began their search in south-eastern Madhya Pradesh (Gomardh wildlife sanctuary and Churabathi), followed by Paikmal forests in Orissa but found no trace of the endemic Owl species. Another attempt in Shahada Forest Division based on the accounts of James Davidson met no success initially as much of the forest cover of the region had fallen prey to India’s rapid economic development After scanning through the forests of Western Maharashtra for ten days, they spotted and filmed the elusive bird on 25^th November 1997 – a hundred and thirteen years since it had been last sighted. The re-discovery of this avian species, by a group of American scientists was cheered by wildlife enthusiast and bird lovers across the globe and added another dimension to the diverse ecology of India.

The Forest Owlet is one of the sixty odd species of the order Strigiformes which are found in India. Also known as the Forest Spotted Owlet and Indian Little Owlet, this avian belongs to the family Striginae (Typical Owls) which is characterized by a large circular head, short tail, cryptic plumage and round facial disc around the eyes. Unlike their cousins, the members of the Tytonidae family are identified by heart-shaped facial disc, formed by stiff feathers which serve to amplify and locate the source of sounds while hunting. Besides, the two families can be differentiated on the basis of the structural details regarding the sternum and talon.

The Forest owlet was discovered by F. R. Blewitt in Busnah-Phuljan region of Eastern Madhya Pradesh in 1872 and was christened Athena blewitti in his honor. He sent the specimen that he had collected to A O Hume, the founder of the Indian National Congress who described it in his book, Stray Feathers. A few more specimens were collected by Valentine Ball and James Davidson prior to 1884 when the beautiful bird strangely disappeared. Colonel Richard Meinertzhagen claimed to have collected a specimen in Mandvi, Gujarat, thereby extending the range of the species. In fact several attempts to track the bird in the twentieth century were based largely on Richard’s account.

However, when researching for her book, Birds of South Asia, Pamela Rasmussen along with Nigel Collar found out that Colonel Meinertzhagen had committed a fraud, decades ago that involved stealing of faunal specimens from museums, modifying accompanying data and presenting them as if he had actually collected them. They found out that Richard’s specimen of the Owlet was actually the last of the five specimens collected by James Davidson and had been relabeled with false data. This had actual hindered the study of these birds of prey in the last century. Armed with this piece of vital information, Pamela decided to locate the Owlet in the jungles of Central India from where earlier specimens were reported and viola, a treasure that had been lost by a man’s greed was traced back and rediscovered, much to the delight of nature lovers everywhere.

Credit: Tarique Sani

With the rediscovery of the enigmatic bird, several expeditions were carried out by individual bird enthusiasts as well as organizations, both Indian and international to gather more data on the Forest owlet’s present status and distribution, to study its behavioral and breeding patterns, to find the reasons that have made them rare and the measures that need to be taken to improve their numbers. It is largely due to the time, money and hard work invested by all parties involved in these surveys that our understanding of the species has compounded considerably, thereby boosting steps to conserve these owlets in the wild.

In their work entitled, The rediscovery of the Forest owlet Athene (Heteroglaux) blewitti (FORKTAIL 14 (1998): 53-55), Rasmussen and King have mentioned the characteristics of the Forest owlet and the factors that distinguish it from its other relatives, besides describing their historic journey into the jungles of central India in Nov 1997. The elusive Forest owlet (23 cm) is slighter taller than the more common Spotted owlet (21 cm), with which it is often confused. It has a rather large skull, marked with small white spots on the forehead, yellow eyes, a pale facial disc and a collar of white spots on the hind neck. While the upper parts including the head, nape and scapular region are dark brown in color, the under parts are lighter whereas the tail and the wings are banded with white trailing edges, with the primaries being rather distinct from the rest of the wings. It is characterized by a dark brown bar across the throat, mainly visible when the bird is in flight.

Kishore Rithe who has extensively traveled across the Satpura ranges on the trail of the species, has noted that each individual has distinct markings, especially on the breasts. The females are slightly larger than the males, perch on higher branches and have more distinct markings.

The 'Dondar Dooda', as it is known to tribals in Melghat, was one of the few Indian bird species whose vocalization was never recorded. However, significant breakthrough was achieved by Rasmussen and Farah Ishtiaq of the Bombay Natural History Society (BNHS) in this regard when they managed to identify and record different voices given by the enigmatic bird as well as its behavior, published as a document, Vocalization and behavior of the Forest owlet Athene (Heteroglaux) blewitti (FORKTAIL 15 (1999): 61-65). A hissing call (“shreee” or “kheek”) is short and cannot be heard over long distances, lasting for 2-3 seconds on an average. The song consists of short, loud and well spaded disyllabic notes and is clearly distinct from those of other common owl species found alongside the Forest owlet. A territorial call (“kwaak…kwaak”) is given by the paired birds, back and forth while within their boundaries and during any intrusion. Other voices given include an alarm call (“chirrur…chirrur, chirr…chirr”), a begging call (“kee…k, kee…k”) made when the female or the young seek food and a contact call (“kee yah, kee…yah”) given by the female when the male gets food to her at the nest.

They perch on trees and scan the jungle below for its prey which includes lizards, rodents, birds, frogs and invertebrates like caterpillars, grass hoppers, stick insects etc. While the feeding perches are closer to the ground and in small trees, the resting and calling perches are seen close to the top of taller trees, which provides a better view of the forest below and keeps them safe from danger. While resting, it is observed to sit on one foot for long periods, keeping either one or both eyes closed for short duration. The preening bouts during resting are short and include face-scratching, wing-stretching, toe-cleaning, beak-wiping against its perch and preening various parts of its plumage. The duo observed that the flights between trees were short, direct and agile.

Credit: Copper Wiki

The peak breeding season lasts from January to February and the females give birth during spring when the prey is in plenty. During nesting, the male does the hunting and gets food for the female and the young. The fledge after about a month but are dependent on their parents for another 40-45 days. Filial cannibalism by males has been observed by Ishtiaq and Rahmani.

In 2005, the Ministry of Environment & Forests (Govt. of India), in association with several state forest departments and other ornithological institutes launched a major survey in the states of Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, Orissa and Gujarat to identify the habitat of the Forest owlet and to estimate their numbers in the wild. Modern techniques like call-playback and visual scanning were used during the census that went on up to mid 2007. The call-playback technique involves broadcasting of the pre recorded calls of a territorial bird species so as to elicit a response from the territorial holder which perceives the recorded call as that of a challenger. A total of 24 birds, including 19 adults and 5 juveniles were found in Burhanpur (Khaknar and Piplod Range) and Khandwa Forest Divisions (East Kalibhit Range) in MP. As many as 20 individuals, 18 adults and 2 juveniles were spotted at the Melghat Tiger Reserve and Yawal Wildlife Sanctuary in Northern Maharashtra. Sadly, no sightings were recorded from the other three states during this survey. All recordings were made at an elevation of 150 m to 500 m and the preferred habitat seems to be dry open teak forests, contrary to popular misconception that the bird prefers living at higher altitudes.  

All the sites were noted to be under moderate to severe human pressure, a fact that could be detrimental to the survival of these rare birds. Cattle grazing, wood cutting, human encroachment and vehicular traffic within its habitat was observed in the course of the survey. Illegal logging has reduced nesting cavities; thereby increasing competition amongst various owl species to occupy the existing ones during the breeding season. Rithe mentions that the proposed Upper Tapi Irrigation Project may end up submerging a large portion of its severely fragmented and limited habitat. Besides, it is also hunted by several native raptors and tribals too. Like other owl species in India, it may also be adversely affected by the indiscriminate use of pesticides.

In fact, the BNHS had sent a proposal to the Principal Chief Conservator of Forests, Maharashtra to declare the forest owlet as the state bird, replacing the Yellow-footed Green pigeon (Hariyal). Scholars at the BNHS felt that such a move could increase awareness about the creature and could increase efforts towards the conservation of the endangered bird. While no one suspected their intentions, a large number of wildlife experts opposed such a move. They pointed out that the bird was found only in a small pocket of the state and was unknown to most Maharashtrians. Also, such a move could increase number of visitors to Melghat Tiger Reserve, adversely affecting its fragile ecology.

Credit: Jayesh K Joshi

Considering the fact that it has been placed in the Critically Endangered category of the IUCN Red List, it is imperative that surveys to gather vital data about this enigmatic owl species are continued so as to help us to formulate an action plan to protect this bird from extinction and to revive its number. It is extremely important to focus on the forests of Central India, so as to clearly identify the habitat and estimate numbers of the Forest owlet with high amount of certainty. The relocation of tribals in the vicinity of its habitat, as in some parts of the Melghat reserve can be highly beneficial. Cattle grazing needs to be regulated and felling of trees has to be prevented at all costs. Besides, a thorough investigation needs to be done into claims that pesticides have led to a steady decline in the population of several species of owls in India, as in case of vultures.  

Off late, studies have suggested that there may be at least 100 Forest owlets within the Melghat Tiger Reserve, which is now being considered to be the species stronghold. While other Tiger Reserves in the country are constantly in the limelight for all the wrong reasons, the forests of Melghat are thriving, along with the flora and fauna that inhabits it, including the owlet. It is our good fortune that Mother Nature has given us a second chance with the them and it is our solemn duty to protect and preserve this treasure. With sheer determination and participation, both from the government and the general public, it is indeed possible to give this magnificent bird an opportunity to avoid doom and give our future generations a chance to witness this gem of nature.

SOURCES

(1) FORKTAIL 14 (1998): 53-55 - The rediscovery of the Forest Owlet Athene (Heteroglaux) blewitti (Link)
Authors: Ben F. King and Pamela C. Rasmussen

(2) FORKTAIL 15 (1998): 61-65 - Vocalization and behaviour of the Forest Owlet Athene (Heteroglaux) blewittti (Link)
Authors: Pamela C. Rasmussen and Farah Ishtiaq

(3) FORKTAIL 16 (2000): 172-173 - Cronism in the Forest Owlet Athene (Heteroglaux) blewitti (Link)
Authors: Farah Ishtiaq and Asad R. Rahmani

(4) FORKTAIL 16 (2000): 125-130 - Further information on the status and distribution of the Forest Owlet Athene (Heteroglaux) blewitti (Link)
Authors: Farah Ishtiaq and Asad R. Rahmani

(5) A Survey of Critically Endangered Forest Owlet (Heteroglaux blewitti) in Central India (Link)

(6) Saving the Forest Owlet - Kishor Rithe (Link)

(7) Wikipedia.org - Forest Owlet (Link)

(8) Birdlife.com - Forest Owlet Heteroglaux blewetti (Link)

(9) Times of India - Experts oppose proposal to declare Forest Owlet as state bird (Link)

IMAGES

(1) Credit: Nikhil Devasar 

Original - Kolkata Birds: Melghat Tiger Reserve, 2009 (Link)

(2) Credit: Tarique Sani

Original - Flickr: The critically endangered Forest Owlet Heteroglaux blewitti [Explored] (Link)

(3) Credit: Copper Wiki

Original - Copper Wiki (Link)

(4) Credit: Dr Jayesh K Joshi

Original - EzineMark (Link)